Wednesday, April 8, 2026
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◆  Collapse of Order

The Man Who Counted the Bodies: Haiti's Morgue Keeper and the Gang State

For three years, Jean-Baptiste Wilfrid has documented Port-au-Prince's dead. The ledger he keeps tells the story of a nation that has ceased to function.

11 min read
The Man Who Counted the Bodies: Haiti's Morgue Keeper and the Gang State

Photo: Carlin Trezil via Unsplash

On a Monday morning in March 2026, Jean-Baptiste Wilfrid arrived at the General Hospital morgue in Port-au-Prince to find seventeen bodies waiting. They had come in overnight — some delivered by police, others by relatives who had carried them through checkpoints controlled by gangs, past burned-out cars and barricades made of refrigerators and bedframes. Wilfrid had been the morgue's chief administrator for eleven years, but he had never seen bodies arrive at this rate until 2023. By the time he finished his morning count, logging each death in a blue ledger he kept locked in a metal filing cabinet, it was nearly noon.

The ledger contained 4,891 entries since January 2023. Each line recorded a name — when one was known — an estimated age, the date of arrival, and the cause of death. Gunshot wounds accounted for seventy-three per cent of the entries. Wilfrid kept the ledger because the government no longer could. The Ministry of Health had stopped publishing mortality statistics in late 2023. The police had stopped investigating most homicides by mid-2024. The courts had stopped functioning in most of the capital by early 2025. What remained was Wilfrid and his ledger, a record of violence kept by one man in a city where the state had effectively disappeared.

How the Gangs Took Port-au-Prince

Wilfrid first noticed the change in the autumn of 2023. Bodies began arriving with signs of execution — hands bound, single shots to the head. Entire families sometimes. The neighborhoods they came from traced a map of gang expansion across the capital. First Cité Soleil, then Martissant, then the downtown commercial district near the National Palace. By January 2024, gangs controlled an estimated fifty-five per cent of Port-au-Prince. By March 2026, that figure had reached eighty per cent, according to the United Nations Integrated Office in Haiti.

The gangs did not emerge suddenly. They had been present in Haiti for decades, often as informal security forces aligned with political parties or business interests. But the assassination of President Jovenel Moïse in July 2021 created a vacuum. No elected officials remained in office. The interim government that followed lacked legitimacy. The Haitian National Police, already underfunded and outgunned, began to fracture. Officers deserted. Stations were overrun. By late 2023, an alliance of gangs called the G9 Family and Allies, led by a former police officer named Jimmy Chérizier, controlled the Port-au-Prince port and the main fuel terminal. They could dictate what entered the city and at what price.

◆ Finding 01

GANG TERRITORIAL CONTROL REACHES 80%

As of March 2026, criminal gangs control approximately 80% of Port-au-Prince, up from 55% in January 2024. The UN estimates that gang violence has displaced more than 362,000 people within the capital and surrounding areas, with approximately 5.5 million Haitians — nearly half the population — facing acute food insecurity.

Source: United Nations Integrated Office in Haiti (BINUH), Monthly Report, March 2026

Wilfrid's ledger reflected this transition. In January 2023, he recorded forty-seven deaths attributed to gunfire. In January 2024, the number was one hundred and nineteen. In January 2026, it was two hundred and three. The morgue's capacity was designed for seventy bodies. Wilfrid had begun stacking them in hallways.

The Families Who Come Looking

Marie-Ange Estimé came to the morgue on a Tuesday in February. Her son, Peterson, had been missing for four days. He was seventeen. He had left their home in the Delmas neighborhood to buy rice and had not returned. Estimé heard gunfire that afternoon — gangs fighting over a boundary line three blocks away — but did not think Peterson had been anywhere near it. She spent two days asking neighbors, then went to the police station. No one there could help her. A sergeant suggested she try the morgue.

Wilfrid led her through the hallways. The bodies were not refrigerated — the hospital's generators ran only intermittently, and when they did, priority went to the surgery ward. Estimé walked slowly, looking at each face. She found Peterson near the back, in a row of eleven others, all young men. He had been shot twice in the chest. Wilfrid checked his ledger. Peterson had arrived on Saturday evening. The police had logged him as an unidentified male, approximate age twenty.

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Estimé asked Wilfrid if there would be an autopsy, if anyone would investigate. Wilfrid told her the truth: the hospital had one pathologist, and he had left Haiti in November 2025. The police homicide division had not opened a new case in eight months. If she wanted to bury her son, she would need to take the body herself. The hospital had no morgue transport. Most families borrowed a truck or paid a motorbike driver to carry the body wrapped in sheets. Estimé did not have money for either. Peterson remained in the morgue for two more weeks before a cousin came from the countryside with a vehicle.

The International Response That Arrived Too Late

In October 2024, the United Nations Security Council authorized a Multinational Security Support mission to Haiti, led by Kenya. The first Kenyan officers arrived in June 2025 — four hundred personnel tasked with supporting the Haitian National Police in regaining control of the capital. By March 2026, the mission numbered approximately one thousand officers. They had reclaimed the airport and established a secure corridor to the National Palace, but most of Port-au-Prince remained under gang control.

The mission had been delayed by political wrangling in Nairobi and logistical challenges. By the time it arrived, the gangs had consolidated power. The G9 alliance had splintered into competing factions, but each faction controlled enough territory to sustain itself through extortion, kidnapping, and control of supply routes. The Caribbean Community, CARICOM, had brokered a transitional government framework in early 2024, leading to the installation of a Transitional Presidential Council in April 2024. But the council itself became mired in internal disputes, and elections, originally scheduled for late 2025, had been postponed indefinitely.

◆ Finding 02

KIDNAPPING ECONOMY REPLACES GOVERNANCE

The UN Human Rights Office documented at least 5,600 kidnappings in Haiti in 2025, a 120% increase from 2024. Ransom payments have become a primary revenue source for gang networks. The average ransom demand in Port-au-Prince reached approximately $8,000 in early 2026, though amounts vary widely based on perceived victim wealth.

Source: UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, Haiti Report, February 2026

Wilfrid watched the international personnel come and go. Aid workers. UN officials. Journalists who stayed for a few days and then left. None of them came to the morgue. He understood why. The morgue did not offer solutions or hope, only evidence of what had already been lost. The bodies he catalogued represented a small fraction of the dead. Many never made it to the hospital. They were buried in gang-controlled neighborhoods where the Kenyan mission could not operate, in graves that would never be registered, by families who feared that claiming the body would make them targets.

What the Ledger Shows

4,891
Violent deaths recorded at General Hospital morgue since January 2023

This figure represents only bodies that reached the one functioning public morgue in Port-au-Prince — a fraction of actual casualties in a city where most gang-controlled areas are inaccessible.

Wilfrid's ledger contained patterns. Young men between fifteen and thirty accounted for sixty-two per cent of gunshot deaths. Women represented nineteen per cent — a proportion that had been rising since mid-2025, when gang warfare intensified and sexual violence became a more systematic tool of territorial control. Children under twelve accounted for four per cent. The youngest entry in the ledger was eight months old, a girl named Lovely Saint-Louis, killed by a stray bullet in Cité Soleil in April 2025.

The ledger also tracked the geography of collapse. In early 2023, most bodies came from the same handful of neighborhoods — areas that had been contested gang territory for years. By late 2024, they were coming from across the city. Pétionville, a traditionally wealthy enclave in the hills above Port-au-Prince, appeared in the ledger for the first time in November 2024. By March 2026, it appeared weekly. The gangs had moved upward, into areas that had once seemed immune.

Wilfrid had begun to notice another pattern in recent months: bodies that arrived without identification, but with signs of systematic execution. Hands bound with the same type of plastic cord. Multiple gunshot wounds to the head at close range. These were not stray bullets or crossfire. They were deliberate killings, and they were increasing. In February 2026 alone, Wilfrid counted thirty-seven such cases. He had no way to know who these people were or why they had been killed. The police no longer came to collect evidence. The prosecutor's office had stopped requesting autopsy reports. The bodies went unclaimed, and after thirty days, Wilfrid arranged for mass burial in a plot behind the hospital.

The State That Stopped Counting

In late March 2026, Wilfrid was contacted by a researcher from the International Crisis Group who was attempting to compile casualty figures for a report on Haiti's security situation. The researcher asked if Wilfrid would share his ledger. Wilfrid agreed, on the condition that no names be published — he feared reprisal, both from gangs and from government officials who might be embarrassed by the numbers. The researcher spent two days at the morgue, photographing pages and cross-referencing entries with hospital admission records and police logs. When she finished, she told Wilfrid that his ledger was the most comprehensive mortality record in Haiti. The Ministry of Health had stopped collecting data. The Haitian National Police had not published crime statistics since early 2024. The UN relied on estimates based on media reports and testimony from displaced persons.

The absence of official statistics was not an accident. It was a symptom of state collapse. Counting the dead requires a functioning bureaucracy — pathologists, clerks, forensic investigators, a morgue with electricity and refrigeration, a government willing to publish the results. Haiti had none of these. What it had instead was Wilfrid and his blue ledger, a document that would never be cited in a government report or used to inform policy, but which nonetheless contained the most accurate record of what was happening in Port-au-Prince.

Still Counting

On the morning of April 5, 2026, Wilfrid opened the morgue to find twenty-two new bodies. A gang battle had erupted overnight in the Wharf Jérémie neighborhood, near the port. The fighting had lasted four hours. By the time Kenyan forces and the Haitian police arrived, the gangs had withdrawn and the streets were quiet. Residents brought the bodies to the hospital in wheelbarrows and the beds of pickup trucks. Most were young men, but there were also three women and a boy who looked about fourteen.

Wilfrid logged each one in the ledger. He wrote their names when he knew them, left blanks when he did not. He noted the dates and the causes. By noon, he had finished. The morgue was full again. He locked the ledger in the filing cabinet and went outside for air. Across the street, a woman was selling mangoes from a cart. A motorbike taxi rattled past. Somewhere in the distance, he could hear gunfire, but it was far enough away that no one on the street reacted. This had become normal. Wilfrid went back inside. There would be more bodies tomorrow. There were always more bodies.

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